Tsimpli, Ianthi-Maria; (1992) Functional categories and maturation: The prefunctional stage of language acquisition. Doctoral thesis (Ph.D), UCL (University College London).

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Abstract

The aim of this thesis is to provide a theory of language acquisition within the Principles and Parameters framework of Generative Grammar. In Chapter 1, I outline the syntactic theory I adopt which assumes that functional categories determine crosslinguistic variation in terms of parameterisation. In the model of the grammar presented, the set of functional categories is argued to constitute an independent module in the Language Faculty, the Functional Module. This is also referred to as the UG lexicon on the ground that it consists of categories that belong to the grammar proper. Substantive categories are assumed to be included in the Mental lexicon which is part of an independent module of the mind/brain. One of the underlying criteria which determine the difference between functional and substantive categories is the relation of each of these sets with conceptual entries in the mental lexicon. Both substantive and functional categories are argued to be morphologically realised at an interface level where processes of morphological affixation take place. The theoretical approach to language acquisition defended in this thesis is summarised as follows: Principles of UG (Universal Grammar) are always available throughout the process of language acquisition; the Functional Module is subject to maturation, hence not available at the Prefunctional stage (18-24 months). On the basis of these background assumptions, the predictions of the theory are that Prefunctional grammars are 'possible' grammars in the sense defined by UG and that parameterisation is absent. Accordingly, the theory is tested against acquisition data from a number of languages: English, French, Greek, German, Spanish and Irish. In Chapter 2 I present an account of inflectional affixation in Prefunctional grammars, the basic claim being that Aspect rather than Tense is encoded in early verbal forms. The presence of Aspect at this stage is argued to be motivated by two reasons. The first is that the process of Aspectual affixation involves a morphological rather than a syntactic derivation. On the assumption that lexical processes take place at the interface level, the presence of Aspectual features is expected. The second reason is that Aspect is an argument of the verb, thus necessarily present in early grammars, by virtue of thematic constraints on representations imposed by UG. In Chapter 3 I discuss Agreement morphology in early verbal forms. The absence of an Agreement projection in the structural representation is argued to give rise to a number of predictions as far as the status of null arguments in Prefunctional grammars is concerned. In particular, the claim put forward is that null subjects and objects are structurally realised as PRO, the underlying motivation being that the availability of this category does not depend on the presence of a functional head in the clause structure. The traditional idea that child grammars are context-bound is formulated in terms of the distinction between discourse- and sentence-oriented languages. Early grammars are thus argued to belong to the former set in that the referential status of null arguments is not syntactically but pragmatically identified. In Chapter 4 the issue of word-order in Prefunctional grammars is addressed. In the absence of functional heads in the clause structure, the order of the subject and the object is argued to be unfixed with respect to the verbal head. Moreover, according to the clause structure suggested previously, it is predicted that certain word-order patterns are not available at this stage. Thus, the VSO order is shown to be missing even in acquisition data from languages where it is available in adult speech, e.g. Irish, Greek and Spanish. The account of word-order in early grammars is thus subsumed under the general claim concerning the absence of functional categories, and, consequently, parameterisation. In Chapter 5, I discuss the interaction of negation and modality at the Prefunctional stage. These two categories are argued to exhibit certain distributional properties in early grammars which are attributed to their underlying semantic compatibility. Thus, distinctions between different categories of modality as well as between modal and non-modal sentences are argued to be expressed in the use of different negative elements in early grammars. The transition from this to the subsequent stage of development is argued to be the result of modal elements and negation emerging as syntactic categories. This account is consistent with the theoretical approach to language acquisition presented in this thesis, whereby transitional stages of development are taken to instantiate the emerging functional structure.

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